From the Layton Constitution
By James Finck, Ph.D. Feb 10, 2026
One of the primary goals of our Founders in writing the Constitution was to limit governmental authority. While they recognized the need for a stronger federal government, they also deeply feared it.
To help protect the nation, they created a system that limited the Legislature to only what was spelled out in the document or what is known as enumerated powers. Encompassing 18 clauses, Article I, Section 8, contains these powers and is the longest section of our Constitution.
The power of taxation was one of the fundamental reasons for the Constitution’s creation. Disputes over who could tax was a principal cause of the American Revolution and was also a principal weakness of the Articles of Confederation. After the Revolution, the Founders were wary of granting taxation power to the federal government, and under the Articles, Congress was forced to beg the states for money to operate. The inability to pay debts or effectively run the government doomed the nation’s first governing framework and ultimately compelled the call for the Constitutional Convention.
Our Founders corrected this issue in the Constitution, but they did so carefully, establishing rules to govern taxation. As already noted in Article I, Section 7, only Congress may levy taxes. Article I, Section 8, Clause 1, adds further limitations: “Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defense and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.”
The first part of this clause explains what tax revenue may be used for: debt and defense but then gives the very broad category of general welfare which has been the subject of debate even amongst the Framers themselves. James Madison believed that spending should be limited strictly to powers enumerated in the Constitution, while Alexander Hamilton argued that the General Welfare Clause granted Congress broader spending authority.
The Supreme Court did not take up this debate until 1933 in United States v. Butler, where, as it often does, sided with Hamilton. Butler concerned one of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal programs, the Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA), which imposed taxes on agricultural processors and used the revenue to pay farmers not to plant certain crops to reduce supply, increase demand, and raise prices. A processor challenged the law, arguing that Congress had exceeded its constitutional authority under Article I, Section 8.
The Court faced two questions. First, whether the General Welfare Clause grants broad or limited taxing and spending power; and second, whether Congress could regulate agriculture, a traditionally state-controlled area. The first question is most relevant here.
The Court held that the General Welfare Clause grants Congress broad authority to spend, so long as the spending itself is constitutional. The Court reasoned that interpreting the clause narrowly would render the words “general welfare” meaningless, which constitutional interpretation seeks to avoid. Although the Court ultimately struck down the AAA on the grounds that regulating agriculture was a state matter, the ruling affirming broad federal taxing and spending power has endured.
The other major issue that is understood but not clearly stated involves direct verse indirect taxation. The phrase “Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises” is generally understood to refer to indirect taxation.
Direct taxes, taxes levied directly on individuals, are restricted and addressed later in Section 9. Indirect taxes, by contrast, are levied on goods, services, or transactions. (If this does not sound right today, note that the Sixteenth Amendment later changed the rules for direct taxation and income tax. Thank you, Woodrow Wilson.) Examples of permissible indirect taxes include sales taxes, excise taxes (on alcohol, tobacco, and fuel), and everyone’s new favorite type of tax: tariffs.
The Constitution also imposes a requirement that indirect taxes “shall be uniform throughout the United States.” Courts have interpreted this as a geographic requirement rather than a requirement of equal impact. In other words, a tax on gasoline must apply equally in California and Maine. However, in United States v. Ptasynski (1983), the Supreme Court held that the Uniformity Clause does not prohibit Congress from creating tax exemptions for specific regions, so long as they are based on neutral factors. In that case, Congress granted tax breaks for oil drilling in Alaska due to the extreme cold, harsh conditions, and remote location, which made drilling there significantly more expensive than elsewhere.
What we ultimately see is that our Founders understood the necessity of granting the federal government the power to tax, but they also attempted to limit its power. Over time, however, Supreme Court interpretations and amendments have expanded those powers, giving the federal government far greater power than our Founders originally envisioned.
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James Finck is a professor of American history at the University of Science and Arts of Oklahoma. He can be reached at james.finck@swoknews.com.
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